Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain flew into Hendon Aerodrome following his meeting with Hitler in Munich.
“…the settlement of the Czechoslovakian problem, which has now been achieved is, in my view, only the prelude to a larger settlement in which all Europe may find peace. This morning I had another talk with the German Chancellor, Herr Hitler, and here is the paper which bears his name upon it as well as mine (waves paper to the crowd – receiving loud cheers and “Hear Hears”). Some of you, perhaps, have already heard what it contains but I would just like to read it to you …”.
It was not until later in the day, outside 10 Downing Street that he used the phrase ‘peace for our time’…
My good friends, for the second time in our history, a British Prime Minister has returned from Germany bringing peace with honour. I believe it is peace for our time.
The phrase became popularly reinterpreted as the expression ‘peace in our time‘.
It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the business of the political leadership to await or bring about the suitable moment from a political and military point of view.
An unavoidable development of events within Czechoslovakia, or other political events in Europe providing a suddenly favourable opportunity which may never recur, may cause me to take early action.
The proper choice and determined exploitation of a favourable moment is the surest guarantee of success. To this end preparations are to be made immediately.
As soon as the Nazi’s arrived in Vienna there was an outbreak of vicious anti-semitism. George Clare was seventeen years old in 1938. From an affluent Jewish family, he describes how he felt when he first saw the German troops …
This was my first sight of the most powerful military machine of its time. I was impressed by this demonstration of perfect discipline and splendid equipment.
The men themselves were tall, young, handsome, smart and polished, and I realised, unbelievable though this may sound, that I admired these soldiers and was even proud of them. So conditioned was I, the 17 year old Jew, by my Austro-German upbringing, so deeply ingrained was all I had read, that I could not see these clean-limbed young men as my enemies. The Nazis, the SS, the SA, they were my enemies, but not the young and handsome soldiers of the Wehrmacht. If I had not been born a Jew, could I have been a Nazi at 17? Could I have been one of them, attracted by the power and the glory of Hitlers’ Reich? I was racially “immune” to Nazism, but to this day my judgement about those youths who succumbed to Hitler is clouded by the memory of my own sensations on that day.
Who were these men and women who surged to the streets, breaking into Jewish homes and shops, looting and stealing? What were they like, the creatures who drag Jewish men, women and children out into the streets, forced them to their knees, and ordered them to scrub away the Schuschnigg plebiscite slogans which had been painted on the pavements and the walls of houses, often by the very people who are now falling about with laughter as they watched their Jewish victims. “Work from the Jews; at last the Jews are working!” the mob howled. “We thank the Fuhrer, he’s created work for the Jews!”
In Last Waltz in Vienna Clare comments that in fact the naked anti-semitism in Austria, that was abundantly clear from the start, “saved many Jews lives” because it was so evident that they had to get out of the country. Meanwhile in Germany many Jews were lulled into a false sense of security by the gradually increasing persecutions imposed by the Nazi regime.